My opponent has built his closing around one central argument: most college athletic departments struggle financially, and direct revenue sharing creates additional costs.
I agree that those financial pressures are real.
But the fundamental weakness in his argument is that he repeatedly treats financial difficulty as proof that direct athlete compensation is inherently unjustified.
That conclusion does not follow from the evidence.
Let’s begin with the statistics.
A 2026 Government Accountability Office report found that 330 of 352 Division I athletic programs spent more than they generated in the 2023–24 academic year. That is a legitimate concern, and I have never denied the financial challenges facing college athletics.
But there is a crucial detail my opponent overlooks.
Those figures describe athletic department finances before the House settlement’s revenue sharing system began in July 2025.
They demonstrate that college athletics was already financially strained. They do not demonstrate that direct revenue sharing created those deficits, nor do they establish that rejecting athlete compensation would resolve them.
In fact, the figures raise a question my opponent has not adequately addressed.
If the overwhelming majority of athletic departments were already struggling financially before direct revenue sharing, why should we assume that excluding athletes from institutional compensation is the solution to an existing financial problem?
My opponent has established that athletic departments face budget constraints. He has not established that those constraints make direct compensation categorically inappropriate.
Next, he emphasizes that the House settlement permits payments but does not provide the money to fund them.
He is correct.
Permission is not funding. But permission is not a requirement to spend the maximum amount either.
The House settlement does not universally require every Division I institution to distribute approximately $20 million annually. Schools can determine whether and how much to provide, subject to the applicable rules.
That distinction is not a technicality. It directly undermines my opponent’s suggestion that financially constrained institutions must assume the same obligations as the wealthiest programs.
And we now have actual implementation data, not merely hypothetical projections.
According to the College Sports Commission, during the first year of revenue sharing, 307 schools made direct payments to nearly 35,000 student athletes across 45 sports.
Only 68 of the 319 participating schools reached or came within five percent of the maximum permitted payment level.
These figures do not prove that every institution is financially secure. They do not guarantee that smaller sports will never face cuts.
But they demonstrate something important.
Direct institutional compensation is not confined to a handful of wealthy universities, and participation does not automatically mean spending the maximum amount.
My opponent’s argument depends heavily on treating the highest permitted payment as though it represents the unavoidable financial burden for every school.
The actual framework and first year of implementation do not support that assumption.
Now let’s address his strongest concern: the swimmers, wrestlers, runners, and other athletes whose sports do not generate substantial television revenue.
I agree that these opportunities deserve protection.
But my opponent repeatedly presents only three possible outcomes: cut smaller sports, raise student fees, or transfer the costs to the university.
He offers those outcomes as though they exhaust every possible financial decision.
They do not.
Universities make choices about coaching compensation, administrative expenses, facilities, fundraising, athletic development, and the distribution of available resources. Not every expense is flexible, and some institutions genuinely have limited alternatives.
But that does not establish that eliminating smaller sports is the unavoidable result of paying athletes.
A possible consequence is not an inevitable consequence.
If my opponent wants to argue that direct revenue sharing necessarily destroys smaller athletic programs, he must demonstrate that outcome rather than assume it.
And if his argument is instead that revenue sharing creates a risk of financial pressure, then we agree about the risk. The disagreement is whether that risk justifies excluding athletes from direct compensation altogether.
I believe it does not.
My opponent also argues that direct payments redirect money rather than create it.
Again, that is true.
But it is equally true of nearly every expenditure an athletic department makes.
A coaching salary redirects financial resources. A facility renovation redirects financial resources. An administrative position redirects financial resources. A recruiting budget redirects financial resources.
The fact that an expenditure uses money that could have been spent elsewhere does not, by itself, establish that the expenditure is unjustified.
If that were the standard, virtually every athletic expense would be objectionable.
The appropriate question is whether the expenditure serves a legitimate purpose and whether the institution can sustain it responsibly.
Direct athlete compensation meets the first part of that test because athletes contribute to the commercial activities from which institutions derive revenue.
The second part requires institution-specific financial decisions, not a blanket assumption that compensation is impossible.
My opponent’s position also contains a deeper inconsistency.
He argues that football and basketball revenue is essential because it supports other sports. Yet he treats the athletes who help generate that revenue as though direct compensation for their contributions is inherently a threat to the system.
But the existence of other legitimate beneficiaries does not eliminate the legitimacy of athlete compensation.
Coaches contribute to athletic success and receive salaries. Administrators contribute to institutional operations and receive salaries. Universities maintain facilities and fund support services.
Athletes are also essential contributors.
Recognizing their economic contributions does not require denying the importance of everyone else.
Fairness does not require that athletes receive all the revenue. It requires that their claim to direct compensation not be dismissed simply because other institutional priorities already exist.
My opponent argues that direct payments favor revenue generating sports and make the system more unequal.
That concern deserves careful scrutiny, especially regarding women’s sports and smaller programs. Payment distribution, roster policies, scholarship opportunities, and institutional decisions all matter.
But the House settlement does not require every university to allocate all direct payments exclusively to football and men’s basketball.
Schools retain discretion over how they distribute payments within the applicable limits.
That discretion creates responsibilities. Institutions should be accountable for protecting broader athletic opportunities and making financially sustainable decisions.
But the possibility of inequitable implementation is an argument for stronger safeguards and oversight, not automatic rejection of direct compensation.
And there is another issue my opponent’s argument overlooks.
An institution can preserve its existing budget structure and still maintain an unfair distribution of economic benefits.
The fact that a university has historically used revenue in a particular way does not automatically establish that the allocation is optimal, equitable, or beyond reconsideration.
Protecting smaller sports is a legitimate goal.
Recognizing athletes’ economic contributions is also a legitimate goal.
The responsibility of university leadership is to balance those obligations rather than insist that one must always eliminate the other.
Finally, my opponent concludes that fairness which squeezes smaller sports is not fairness.
I agree with the underlying principle that compensation policies should not casually sacrifice educational opportunities.
But that principle does not establish his broader conclusion.
A poorly implemented revenue sharing system could create serious harm.
A financially irresponsible university could overcommit its resources.
A university could prioritize recruiting expenditures over smaller athletic programs.
Those are legitimate risks requiring accountability.
But none of those possibilities proves that every form of direct revenue sharing is inherently harmful or that athletes should be categorically excluded from receiving institutional payments.
And that brings us to the decisive distinction in this debate.
My opponent has demonstrated that college athletics is financially complicated.
He has demonstrated that institutions face difficult choices.
He has demonstrated that smaller sports need protection.
I accept all three points.
But he has not demonstrated that direct compensation is incompatible with responsible financial management.
He has not demonstrated that every participating university must spend the maximum permitted amount.
He has not demonstrated that eliminating smaller sports is the inevitable consequence of direct payments.
And he has not established why athletes’ economic contributions should be treated as less deserving of direct financial recognition than other legitimate expenses.
His argument identifies the challenges of implementing revenue sharing. It does not defeat the principle of revenue sharing itself.
I am not defending unlimited compensation.
I am not defending financially reckless spending.
I am not defending a system that treats swimming, wrestling, women’s sports, or other athletic opportunities as expendable.
I am defending a system in which universities can recognize athletes’ contributions through direct compensation while remaining responsible for the financial and educational consequences of their decisions.
My opponent asks us to believe that because the system is financially strained, athletes should continue to be excluded from direct institutional revenue sharing.
But financial strain existed before the settlement, and the actual first year of implementation demonstrates that institutions can participate at substantially different payment levels.
The answer to financial inequality is not to pretend athletes make no legitimate claim to compensation.
The answer is to develop financially responsible policies that recognize competing obligations.
A university’s budget should reflect its values. If athletes help create the commercial value of college athletics, recognizing their contribution should be part of the financial discussion, not the one expense automatically ruled out.
My opponent has repeatedly asked where the money comes from.
That is an important question.
But there is another question equally deserving of an answer:
Why should the athletes whose performances help make the revenue possible be the ones whose direct compensation is rejected before the university even considers how its resources are allocated?
Financial responsibility matters. Educational opportunity matters. Protecting smaller sports matters.
And fairness to the athletes matters too.
We do not protect fairness by excluding one group of contributors from compensation simply because the institution has other financial responsibilities. We protect fairness by balancing those responsibilities responsibly.
That is the case for direct revenue sharing.
And that is why I stand firmly in favor of it.