My opponent raises a legitimate concern about athletic department finances, but their conclusion depends on a false choice: either deny athletes direct compensation or sacrifice smaller sports and increase student fees. That is not the only possible financial model, and the available evidence does not establish that those outcomes are inevitable.
First, let’s examine the numbers.
My opponent imagines a Group of Five school generating $40 million while spending $45 million. That is a hypothetical example, not evidence about a specific university. Even accepting those numbers, a $5 million shortfall does not establish that every expense is unavoidable or that no responsible amount could ever be allocated to athletes.
And I am not dismissing the broader financial problem. According to the Government Accountability Office’s 2026 report, 94 percent of Division I athletic programs spent more than they generated in 2023–24.
But here is the crucial detail: those figures describe the financial situation BEFORE the current revenue-sharing system began in July 2025.
Athletic departments were already overspending relative to generated revenue. That means my opponent cannot simply point to existing deficits and treat them as proof that athlete compensation is responsible for the problem.
Second, my opponent asks where the evidence is that revenue sharing can extend beyond the SEC and Big Ten.
We actually have evidence.
The College Sports Commission reports that during the 2025–26 academic year, 307 schools distributed approximately $1.77 billion directly to 34,915 athletes across 33 conferences and 45 sports.
Thirty-three conferences, not two.
That does not prove every school can afford the same payments, nor does it establish that every program has avoided difficult financial tradeoffs. But it directly challenges the suggestion that revenue sharing exists only among a handful of wealthy football programs.
And the spending data reveals something else important. Of 319 schools participating in the framework, only 68 reached or came within five percent of the $20.5 million annual cap.
In other words, most participating schools did not spend anywhere near the maximum.
That matters because my opponent’s argument assumes that direct revenue sharing necessarily imposes an enormous financial obligation on institutions regardless of their resources. The actual system allows schools to determine how much they distribute within the established cap.
Third, let’s address scholarships and stipends.
I agree that scholarships can be extremely valuable. They help students obtain an education and may reduce substantial financial burdens.
But educational assistance and direct participation in commercial revenue are not identical.
A scholarship recognizes a student’s educational and athletic opportunity. Direct revenue sharing recognizes that athletes also contribute to an enterprise generating money through broadcasting, sponsorships, ticket sales, and licensing.
Those two forms of compensation can coexist. In fact, the current framework expressly allows direct payments in addition to scholarships and third-party NIL earnings.
Fourth, my opponent asks which athletes should receive payments.
That is a fair implementation question, but it is not an argument against the principle. Institutions can develop transparent criteria that consider commercial contribution, participation, competitive responsibilities, financial capacity, and the protection of athletic opportunities.
I am not arguing that every athlete must receive an identical payment or that football players should receive unlimited compensation while other sports disappear.
I am arguing that athletes deserve a legitimate place in financial decisions rather than being automatically excluded.
Finally, I want to challenge the assumption that smaller sports must absorb the cost.
The GAO report identifies substantial spending across athletic departments, including coaching and support staff compensation, team operations, travel, and scholarships. These are legitimate expenditures, but they also demonstrate that universities already make complex decisions about allocating limited resources.
My opponent treats those existing allocations as fixed while treating athlete compensation as the one expense that cannot be accommodated.
Why?
If financial sustainability matters, every major spending priority deserves scrutiny. It is not reasonable to protect all existing institutional spending decisions from examination while placing the entire burden of financial restraint on the athletes.
I support safeguards against increasing mandatory student fees to finance excessive compensation. I support protecting smaller sports and scholarships. I support limiting payments according to institutional financial capacity.
Those are reasons to design revenue sharing responsibly, not reasons to reject it altogether.
My opponent has correctly identified a financial challenge but has not established that excluding athletes from direct compensation solves it.
The deficits existed before revenue sharing. The current system extends across dozens of conferences. And most participating schools did not spend at the maximum.
The question is not whether every institution can afford to imitate the wealthiest football programs. They cannot, and I have never suggested otherwise.
The question is whether the athletes whose performances create commercial value deserve meaningful consideration when that value is distributed.
Financial responsibility should determine the size and structure of compensation. It should not erase the principle that the athletes themselves deserve a share.
College athletics already knows how to distribute money to coaches, administrators, facilities, and competing institutional priorities. The challenge is to build a financially responsible system that includes the athletes rather than treating them as the one group whose contributions must remain outside the budget.